Palestinians against the genocide of Israel and Hamas

Since October 7, the Palestinians have been trapped in a hellish circle made by Israeli. No one seems able to stop the destruction of their company in Gaza. The Palestinians have endured far beyond normal human tolerance, have been moved several times without any security, and now live among mass rubble and pits in brutal conditions unfit for human existence.

The figures are amazing. At least fifty thousand Palestinians (mainly civilians) have already been killed directly by the War of Israel – more than 2% of the Gazan population – at an unprecedented rate and scale in the 21st century, in one of the most densely populated areas in the world, where half of the population is children.

Two million Palestinians do not have regular access to clean water or food and face high levels of acute food insecurity. Those who survive spend most of their monitoring hours trying to ensure the basic necessities of life, because they live in tents and humanitarian humanitarian camps which are regularly bombed by Israel. Every day is a fight to stay alive.

Ninety-two percent of the accommodation in Gaza have been destroyed or damaged. Whole cities and refugee camps have suffered the card. Most school -aged children do not have access to formal education, with 2,308 destroyed educational establishments. The education system has ceased to exist and all universities have been destroyed. Very few hospitals are fully functional, with much completely destroyed. A million children need mental health support and are permanently marked by war.

Thanks to an implacable and blind bombardment, Israel deliberately destroyed the Palestinian company in Gaza and made it uninhabitable. It was the plan: the main objective of the war to create conditions for the flight and expulsion of mass and the permanent Israeli occupation.

The genocide is the expected consequence of the War of Israel. It is Israel’s revenge for October 7. You can see that in the behavior of Israeli soldiers and hear it in Israeli songs on burning villages and annihilating the Palestinians: everyone, not just Hamas. No belt, denial and sinestage by Israel and its allies (like BBC) can erase the fact of the genocide.

This is the main reason why the Palestinians protest. They are beyond mass death and to be a disposable people and pawns in the colonial patterns and the imperial fantasies of others.

Gaza demonstrators have also identified Hamas as a problem and require it to leave the band. For those outside of Gaza who have not experienced this genocide, this request may seem strange: how could Palestinians be so openly critical and suspicious of the main resistance group in Gaza? A departure from Hamas is, after all, what Israel wants a punishment for October 7, repeating the withdrawal of the Beirut Palestinian Liberation Organization in 1982.

This demand is also an effect of war (although a similar slogan was sung by demonstrators in Gaza in August 2023). October 7 left the Palestinians totally exposed to the genocidal anger of Israel, without any protection for civilians in Gaza. As the Palestinians brought the weight of the destruction of Israel, the forces of Hamas took refuge in the tunnels they built under Gaza. This practice of protecting fighters but not people is a clear source of popular resentment against Hamas.

Another mass massage of mass mass came last week when Benjamin Netanyahu broke the ceasefire agreement with Hamas and the Israeli army killed more than four hundred Palestinian civilians in Gaza, the largest massacre of children in a day since the start of the war. The demonstrators last week held signs indicating: “The blood of our children is not cheap.”

Here, Hamas’ ineffective response to another Israeli massacre was again obvious. He pulled two primitive rockets in Tel Aviv which were intercepted by Iron Dome. What ange the Palestinians is that such military tactics have no chance of arresting war against Gaza. They also raise many questions about the nature of Hamas’ military resistance and its effectiveness. The demonstrators spoke openly about the failure and futility of such tactics of resistance, exposing the Palestinians to damage to remuneration rather than to dissuade Israel.

Another problem for demonstrators is that Israeli hostages are always detained in Gaza. In the light of the past experience with the Gilad Shalit agreement, the calculation of Hamas was that the hostage taking would oblige Israel to negotiate, to raise the seat of Gaza and to release all the Palestinian political prisoners. But this bet failed. Netanyahu neutralized any potential political lever effect that hostages could have affected the course of war.

In fact, the opposite was transpired: Netanyahu used hostages to prolong the war. They now work as the main pretext of Netanyahu to kill more Palestinians in Gaza, to go for “total victory” against Hamas and to ensure that Gaza is pacified for future generations. To neutralize any political lever effect that hostages may have on his conduct of war, Netanyahu faced Israeli public opinion and elite pressure to go for an agreement and put an end to war. But he has succeeded in this, and his government is now safer than ever.

It is obvious that neither the rockets of Hamas nor the hostages of Hamas acted as a mechanism to alleviate the occupation or the improvement of the conditions in Gaza. No quantity of theaters during the Liberation Ceremonies of the deeply damaging hostages of Hamas can hide the fact that war was a complete disaster for the Palestinians. These ceremonies, which Hamas has exploited as a gross demonstration of force, has become another pretext for Israel to resume the destruction of Gaza.

By stopping thousands of Palestinians since October 7 (ten thousand languages ​​in Israeli prisons today), Israel has also emptied any real value that an exchange of hostage accusation could have. To bring this point back to the house, after each exchange, Israel stops even more Palestinians than it publishes it.

As their songs show, the Palestinian demonstrators of Gaza include all this and have made their own rational determinations on the effectiveness of the blind military resistance against Israel. In the rubble of their cities and their homes, what they see is not victories touted in Hamas, but the insane destruction of social existence in Gaza which will take decades to repair. What they demand is that any emerging policy in Gaza focuses their own needs and interests for the national urgency.

Finally, the demonstrations affirm something basic: the daily rooting of ordinary people in Gaza, their clear wish to stay there and rebuild their decimated homeland. The Palestinians want war to end so that they can have the chance to go up their broken life, as difficult.

At the dawn of annihilation and expulsion, only collective action and solidarity can cure Palestinian society and overcome the new Nakba of Gaza. To repress or distort, it is to take over the Palestinians in failed political formulas – and risk the future of Gaza.

Although their challenges seem insurmountable, many Palestinians are now looking for new anti -colonial emancipation strategies that would protect their future in Palestine – far from the spent policy and factionalism of their current leaders, whether in Gaza or in the West Bank.