The new approach is risky and could blow up on the speaker, whose six-month grip on the gavel is threatened by Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s (Georgia) promise to introduce a motion to unseat Johnson’s (R-La.) s he is putting aside aid to Ukraine, which many far-right Republicans oppose.
Johnson told Republicans in a letter to colleagues Wednesday morning, “After significant member feedback and discussion” this week, the House will move forward with its plan, with some significant changes. He plans to release the text of the Ukraine, Israel and Indo-Pacific Allies bill earlier Wednesday, as well as the text of the GOP wish list and border later Wednesday .
Success is anything but guaranteed, both in terms of foreign aid and maintaining one’s job. The voting schedule is also uncertain – although members were expected to return home for a week’s vacation on Thursday.
All of this is happening against the backdrop of a razor-thin majority in the House of Representatives that Republicans say should be expanded by voters in November to improve their chances of advancing a conservative agenda. The GOP currently has a two-vote majority, meaning if Democrats don’t help keep Johnson in the role of president, only three Republicans would be needed to wrest the gavel from his hands. But two Republicans are suddenly becoming complacent after the resignation of Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.). He was supposed to leave Friday, bringing the Republican majority to just one vote, but he is now expected to leave once the foreign aid bill passes.
“The congressman has the opportunity to stay and support the relief package on Saturday,” his office said Wednesday.
It’s clear that Republicans are increasingly fed up with Johnson’s leadership, and the far right had already signaled that it would not support Johnson’s plan even before the text of the legislation was released. It’s unclear how they will react to the idea of proposing a separate border package — which the president’s office says — will include the “essential elements of HR 2,” a tough immigration bill restricting immigration. entry of migrants into the United States.
The first signals were not good.
The House Freedom Caucus has already rejected the proposal. Johnson is “surrendering” to the border, the far-right group tweeted in response to Johnson’s plan. “This goes against every promise Republicans have made to you” and they care more about “funding Ukraine than securing our own borders.”
Still, Johnson is proposing the separate border package to try to appease his unruly conference, many of whom have demanded the border be secured before funds are sent to Ukraine and other allies. Republicans had the opportunity to consider a bipartisan security bill earlier this year, but declined to do so when Donald Trump fiercely attacked it.
Separating border security from the foreign aid program could give both pieces of legislation a greater chance of passing. The national security bill will likely need support from Democrats due to the large number of Republicans who don’t want to fund Ukraine – while Johnson aims to pass the border security bill with only support from Republicans, hoping to satisfy demands from all corners of his conference and send all bills to the Senate.
But during a nearly four-hour meeting between Johnson and his allies Tuesday night — before this latest plan was released — Republicans were left demoralized after failing to concoct a plan that would ensure enough of them support sending the package without having to rely on Democrats. Several people familiar with the meeting, granted anonymity to discuss internal dynamics, said the meeting enlightened them and Johnson about what implementing his plan would mean for his future.
As Johnson officially implements his foreign aid plan, it could all lead to his ouster.
“The battle lines were very clear in the end,” one Republican said. “It was very clear that (the rescission motion) would be made if the president’s plan came to fruition.”
Greene and Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) are supporting the motion to remove Johnson from the presidency after he relied on Democrats to pass several bills that failed to unite Republicans. If the motion were to be considered under special rules, the House would have 48 hours to vote on whether to oust the president.
washingtonpost
