The French public’s allegiance to the idea of Europe remains theoretically strong, but passion or real understanding of the EU is weak – which is why Le Pen’s de facto policy of dismantling the EU bloc The interior is poorly understood.
Le Pen’s “normalization” relies on the successful deception that she is now a moderate who wants to shift power and economic benefits to ordinary citizens. But even if its economic program remains interventionist and left-wing, its social, European and international policy remains as ultra-nationalist as ever. And while a French parliament hostile to Le Pen could block many of his proposals, it is unlikely that it could block them all.
If elected, a Le Pen presidency would at best lead to five years of drift and confusion in the country and in the European capital. In the worst case scenario, this could exclude a nuclear power, a member of the G7 and a permanent member of the UN Security Council, from the Western alliance, thus triggering a process that could break up the EU – at least in its current form .
For example, even though Le Pen has distanced herself from Putin since he invaded Ukraine, she continues to say that France should reduce its “dependence” on Berlin and Washington. And even if she says she would stay in NATO, she would fundamentally harm Ukraine’s ability to rejoin the alliance – and also prevent the country from becoming a member of the EU.
Under Macron, France has not distinguished itself in its arms deliveries to kyiv – its economic aid has been more generous. But if the war continues for three more years, under Le Pen, both could end.
Moreover, almost all of Le Pen’s economic program, as well as much of her social and migration policy, depends on violating European laws – something she does not openly acknowledge, relying instead on the fact that many French people don’t know how the EU works. .
Politices
